IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


V 


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Photogra[hic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER, NY.  MS80 

(716)  872-4503 


c^. 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


i 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


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n 
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Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 

Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommag6e 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurie  et/ou  pelliculie 

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Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrationn/ 
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Bound  with  other  material/ 
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r~7|    Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 


D 


along  interior  margin/ 

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modification  dans  la  mithode  normaie  de  filmage 
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y 


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Pages  de  couleur 

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Pages  restauries  et/ou  pelliculdes 


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Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 


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I      I  Only  edition  available/ 


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obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


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This  item  is  filmed  a.  t  ^e  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  filmi  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22) 

26X 

30X 

3 

12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


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Stalls 
IS  du 
nodifier 
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98 


The  copy  filmad  hare  has  baan  raproducad  whanks 
to  tha  ganarosity  of: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 

Tha  imagas  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
possibia  considaring  tha  condition  and  lagibility 
of  t^a  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spacifications. 


Original  copias  in  printad  papar  covers  ara  filmad 
beginning  with  tha  front  cjvar  and  ending  on 
tha  last  page  with  a  printad  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  tha  symbol  -^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


L'exemplaire  film*  fut  reproduit  grAce  A  la 
gAnArositA  da: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  Bnr  sh  Columbia 

Las  images  suivantas  ont  tti  reproduites  avac  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compta  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
de  la  nettetA  de  l'exemplaire  film*,  et  en 
conformity  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmaga. 

Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimie  sont  film4s  en  commengant 
par  la  premier  plat  t>.  an  tarminant  soit  par  la 
derniire  page  qui  comporta  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  axemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmis  ert  commengant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  — ♦«  signifie  "A  SUIVRE  ",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc..  may  be  filmed  at 
different  .eduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
filmis  d  des  taux  de  reduction  diffirents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtra 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cliche,  il  est  film*  d  partir 
da  Tangle  sup*rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  n*cassaire.  Les  diagrammas  suivants 
illustrent  la  m*thoda. 


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in  d 


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32X 


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liyO  .?-2  ''  ■"■ 


■W 


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^  *^^■ 


SPEE 


"."   Jf.SV- 


or 


MR    ATCHISON,    OF    MISSOURI, 


ON 


THE  E-^SOLUTION  OF  MR.  SEMPLB 


JM  RELATION   TO 


THE  OREGON  TERRITORY- 


IN  THE  SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 


February  22,  1844. 


WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED  BY  BLAIR  &  RIVES. 
1841 


■xk:-J. 


Thef 
ation : 

Resolved 
Governme 
the  provisi 
United  Sta 
Britain  am 
ties,  signed 

Mr.  A 

Mr.  P 

tors,  in  g 
and  appa 
despond 

But,  fc 
since  the 
ther  subj 
of  the  mi 
ing  no  pi 
Senators 
them  wh 
and  iipoi 

Before 
permitted 
ant  stibje 
which  pr 

TheC 
Virginia, 
rom  the 
the  whol 
of  the  pe 
could  nol 
!0  highly 


SPEECH. 


The  following  resolution,  offered  by  Mr.  Semple,  being  under  consider- 
ation :  •  ' 

Resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  requested  lo  give  notice  to  the  British 
Government  that  it  is  the  desire  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  annul  and  abrogate 
tlie  provisions  of  the  third  article  of  the  convention  concluded  between  the  Qovernment  of  th^ 
United  Stales  of  America  and  his  Britanpic  Majehty  the  King  of  the  United  Kingdom  of  Qreat 
Britain  and  Ireland  on  the  2()th  October,  1818,  and  iudetinitely  continued  between  the  same  par- 
ties, signed  at  London  the  6;h  August,  1837. 

Mr.  ATCHISON  addressed  the  Senate  as  follows: 

Mr.  PpEsioENT:  I  will  not  long  trespass  upon  the  forbearance  of  Sena- 
tors, in  giving  my  views  on  the  subject  of  this  resolution.  The  greatdelay 
and  apparent  reluctance  to  enter  upon  its  discussion,  had  rather  led  ine  to 
despond  of  any  action  whatever. 

But,  for  the  last  few  days,  despondency  has  yielded  to  hope,  particularly 
since  the  remarks  of  a  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Bates,]  on  ano- 
ther subject,  when  he  vindicated,  with  so  much  zeal  and  fire,  the  interests 
of  the  manufacturing  portion  of  his  constituents.  When  a  subject  involv- 
ing no  principle  but  that  of  profit  and  loss,  dollars  and  cents,  will  elicit  from 
Senators  so  much  zeal,  so  much  eloquence, — what  may  we  not  expect  from 
them  when  they  approach  a  question  of  national  interest,  of  national  honor, 
and  upon  which  an  empire  is  at  stake? 

Before  I  proceed  to  the  discussion  of  the  resolution  just  read,  I  must  be 
jpermitted  for  myself,  and  those  Senators  who  act  with  me  upon  this  import* 
nt  subject,  to  repel  some  imputations  or  misconceptions  as  lo  the  motives 
hich  prompt  us  to  action. 

The  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  (the  Senator  from 
irginia,)  in  his  remarks  upon  this  resolution,  said :  "That  the  Senators 
"rom  the  western  Stales  were  resoli?cd  on  having  this  territory;  whether 
he  whole  is  incontestable  or  not,  were  they  resolved  to  have  it,  at  the  co.st 
f  the  peace  of  this  nation.  He  did  not  mean  to  use  discourtesy,  but  he 
ould  not  help  declaring  that  it  had  pressed  itself  on  his  mind,  that  they  had 
0  highly  excited  and  inflamed  their  imaginations  on  the  subject,  that  even 


wnn 


if  an  arrangement  could  b«  made  with  Great  Britain  to  surrender  peace> 
able  possession  of  the  country,  the  gentlemen  would  be  almost  unwilling  to^ 
accept  it,  because  it  wa^  not  obtained  at  the  expense  of  a  war  with  Eng- 
land. That  it  was  not  so  much  a  desire  for  the  territory  itself,  as  a  feeling 
of  chivalry — a  desire  to  run  a  muck  at  Great  Britain — no  matter  which  side 
came  off  victorious."  Again — the  Senator  says :  '*  This  was  a  confession  of 
peace  he  was  willing  to  make — although  born  south  oi  Mason  and  Dixon's 
line — that  he  would  rather  obtain  the  rights  of  the  nation,  in  relation  to 
the  Oregon  Territory,  without  war,  and  without  any  vaporing  spirit,  not 
called  for  by  the  occasion,"  &c. 

I  have  read  the  Seuator's  remarks,  as  1  fnid  them  reported  in  (he  Con- 
gressional Globe ;  and  which,  from  my  own  recollection,  I  believe  to  be 
substantially  correct.  Had  those  remarks  been  confined  to  this  chamber,  I 
■  would  now  let  them  pass;  but  they  have  gone  forth  to  the  world.  Western 
Senators  have  also  been  denounced  In  some  of  the  most  influential  and 
widely  circulated  journals  published  in  the  United  States,  as  having  con- 
spired together  to  plunge  this  country  into  a  war  with  Cngland — and  that, 
too,  for  the  sordid  and  inglorious  purpose  of  reaping  pecuniary  advantage. 
The  imputation  is  unfounded,  and  carries  its  refutation  on  its  face.  Who 
will  believe,  for  one  moment,  that  such  cold  blooded  and  heartless  senti- 
ments should  harbor  in  the  breast  of  an  American  Senator,  or  should 
be  entertained  by  an  American  citizen  — that,  for  the  sake  of  gold,  we  would 
subject  our  beloved  country  to  all  the  ravages  and  misery  attendant  upon 
war ! 

I  do  not  believe  that  the  honorable  Senator  intended  to  impute  such  mo- 
tives to  us :  his  remarks  were  made  under  the  excitement  and  in  the  heat 
of  debate,  when  there  was  no  time  to  weigh  the  full  import,  meaning,  and 
force  of  words  and  phrases;  but  tliey  have  gone  forth  to  the  world,  and 
such  has  been  the  construction  put  upon  them.  The  remarks  apply  to  the 
west  alone — no  Senator  from  any  other  section  of  the  Union  being  noticed— 
though  others  are  equally  favorable  to  the  measures  proposed.  In  answer  to 
the  Senator,  I  will  ask  him,  whether  the  trade  and  commerce  of  the  west  will 
not  suffer  equally  with  that  of  every  other  portion  of  the  Union,  in  the  event 
of  war?  Will  we  not  be  compelled  to  contribute  our  proportion  of  men  and 
money  to  the  defence  of  the  country,  and  the  prosecution  of  the  war?  I 
will  refer  the  Senator  to  the  history  of  our  last  war  with  England.  Was 
the  west  then  exempted  from  the  ravages  of  war? — did  western  men  dwell 
in  peace,  secure  from  the  operation  of  British  arms  ?    No,  sir.     The  north-   citizens 


We  beli( 


west  and  the  southwest  were  the  great  battle  fields  of  that  war.    It  was  in  the 

remote  regions  of  the  then  infant  west,  and  by  western  arms,  that  our  most   lecessary, 

glorious  victories  were  won— our  brightest  laurels  achieved ;  it  was  thew    reaty  of  U 


that  our  ( 
it  is  said 
asters  of 
of  North 
Missouri, 
consin^  in 
arms,  anc 

The  S 
territory  i 
Britain — 
tor,  by  Ih 
measures 
discretion 
rather  ha 
not  called 

History 
justice,  c( 
any  para! 
by  either 
and  aie  t( 
body  of  tl 
south  of  ! 
mountaiui 

We  ha 
England; 
territory,  i 
shall  not  I 
vent  it;  ai 
and  to  the 

The  Se 
country  h] 
expense  of 
No,  sir,  th; 
ours;  that 
believe  tho 
citizens,  di 
encourage 


ider  peaco- 
nwillingta 
with  Eng- 
tis  a  feeling 
which  side 
snfession  of 
ind  Dixon's 
relation  to 
'  spirit,  not 


9 


that  our  country  sustained  llje  most  disastrous  and  bloody  defeats  But,  sir, 
it  is  said  that  the  seaboard  would  be  exposed  to  all  the  hazards  ond  dis- 
asters of  the  condlct.  In  answer  to  this,  I  will  refer  gentlemen  to  the  map 
of  North  America.  Will  not  the  States  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan, 
Missouri,  and  Arkansuo,  together  with  the  Territories  of  Iowa  and  Wis- 
cotisiuj  in  the  northwest,  be  as  much  exposed  to  the  operations  of  British 
arms,  and  those  of  her  savage  alLes,  as  the  seaboard? 

yhe  Senator  from  Virginia  says  that  "it  is  not  so  much  a  desire  for  the 
territory  itself,  as  a  feeling  of  chivalry — a  wish  to  ^run  a  muck'  at  Great 
Britain — no  matter  which  side  comes  oft'  victorious."  1  suppose  the  Sena- 
tor, by  this,  means  to  say  that  we  would  madly  and  unadvisedly  adopt  such, 
measures  as  must  inevitably  lead  to  war;  that  our  "chivalry"  exceeds  our 
discretion;  that  we  go  farther  than  he  i& willing  to  go;  that  he  would 
rather  have  the  territory  without  war,  and  without  any  ''-vaporiu^''  spirit, 
not  called  for  by  the  occasion. 

History  teaches  us  that  chivalry,  if  it  is  constituted  of  courage,  fortitude, 
justice,  courtesy,  a  spirit  of  enterprise  and  adventure,  is  not  confined  to 
r  advantage.  I  any  parallels  of  latitude  or  longitude.  Those  qualities  are  not  engendered 
face.  Who  by  either  heat  or  cold ;  they  are  moral  qualities,  that  flourish  in  all  climes, 
and  aie  to  be  found  under  every  garb.  They  are  possessed  by  the  great 
body  of  the  people  of  the  United  States — whether  to  the  north  or  to  the 
south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line — whether  west  or  east  of  the  Allegheny 
mountains. 

We  have  not  conspired  together  to  plunge  our  country  into  a  war  with 
England;  but,  sir,  we  have  conspired  together  to  maintain  the  unity  of  our 
territory,  and  the  rights  of  our  country;  we  are  resolved  that  our  territory 
shall  not  be  dismembered,  either  by  negotiation  or  by  force,  if  we  can  pre- 
vent it;  and  I  trust  that  branches  of  this  conspiracy  extend  to  the  north 
and  to  the  south. 

The  Senator  from  Virginia  says  that  we  are  unwilling  to  obtain  the 
country  by  negotiation,  or  other  peaceable  means ;  we  must  have  it  at  the 
expense  of  the  peace  of  this  nation  ;  wi>  must  have  it  at  the  price  of  a  war. 
No,  sir,  this  is  not  our  object.     We  are  of  the  opinion  that  the  country  is 
of  men  and  ours;  that  we  have  an  indefeasible  right  thereto,  a  title  without  a  flaw ;  we 
the  war?    Ipbelieve  that  the  honor  and  the  interest  of  the  country,  and  justice  to  our 
itizens,  demand  that  this  Government  should  adopt  measures  that  will 
ncourage  and  lead  to  the  occupation  of  the  Oregon  Territory  by  our 
itizens. 
We  believe  that  the  first  step  proper  to  be  taken,  although  not  absolutely 


n  the  Oon- 
ilieve  to  be 
chamber,  I 
.  Western 
iiential  and 
[laving  con- 
I — and  that, 


irtless  sentl- 
|,  or  should 
we  would 
ndant  upon 

ite  such  mo- 
in  the  heat 
teaning,  and 
3  world,  and 
apply  to  the 
ig  noticed — 
In  answer  to 
the  west  will 
in  the  event 


land.  Was 
n  men  dwell 
The  north 
It  was  in  the 


lat  our  most   lecessary,  is  to  give  the  notice  to  the  British  Government,  required  by  the 
it  was  thefflBreaty  of  1827 ;  then  will  the  right  of  British  subjects  to  occupy  the  Oregon 


Territory,  in  common  wilh  American  citizens,  cease— a  riglit  acquired' 
under  the  convention  of  1818.  We  will  then  be  thro\wi  back  upon  our 
undoubted  title  to  the  country ;  then,  and  not  till  th./),willwe  have  re- 
gained all  the  advantages  we  have  lost  by  our  unfortunate  negotiations  in 
relation  to  that  country.  This  Government  cnn  then  adopt  such  measures 
as  shall  be  deemed  right  and  proper,  without  fear  of  a  breach  of  faith,  with- 
out violating  any  treaty  obligation. 

We  are  assured  that  if  we  stand  still  with  our  arms  folded— if  we  will  but 
wait  a  little  longer,  it  will  all  be  settled  by  negotiation.  This  we  have  been 
told  for  the  last  twenty  years,  time  and  again.  We  have  been  deceived ; 
we  are  tired  of  this  kind  of  diplomacy. 

What  have  we  to  gain  by  negotiation  with  Great  Britain  ?  Experience 
teaches  us  that  we  have  all  to  lose,  and  nothing  to  gain,  by  negotiation  with 
that  power ;  and  that,  too,  whether  our  demands  be  just  or  unjust,  whether 
our  title  be  good  or  bad.  What  cnn  we  expect  from  a  negotiation  concern- 
ing a  remote  territory — a  territory  near  forty-five  hundred  miles  from 
this  city — when  we,  but  a  short  time  since,  surrendered  a  large  portion  of' 
the  territory  of  one  of  the  States  of  this  Union  ?  I  allude  to  the  State  of 
Maine  and  the  Ashburton  treaty — a  treaty  made  in  this  city,  and  ratified  irk 
this  chamber.  We  have  but  little  hope  of  obtaining  anything  like  justice, 
or  even  the  semblance  of  justice,  by  a  negotiation  with  England. 

The  treaty  made  between  this  Government  and  Great  Britain  in  the 
year  1818,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  our  claims  on  the  northwest  coast  of 
America,  was  unfortunate  for  the  interests  of  this  country ;  so  was  the 
treaty  of  1827,  and  so  has  been  every  proposition  to  treat  upon  this  sub- 
ject. At  almost  every  step  we  have  committed  a  blunder.  Our  title,  which 
was  perfectly  good,  perfectly  clear,  before  negotiations  commenced,  has 
now,  by  reason  of  those  very  negotiations,  become  somewhat  complicated. 

The  treaty  of  London,  entered  into  on  the  20th  of  October,  1818,  the 
third  article  of  which  this  resolution  proposes  to  annul  and  abrogate,  is  in 
these  words: 

"  Art.  3d.  It  is  agreed  that  any  country  that  may  be  claimed  by  either 
party  on  the  northwest  const  of  America,  westward  of  the  Stony  Mountains, 
shall,  together  with  its  harbors,  bays,  and  creeks,  and  the  navigation  of  all 
rivers  within  the  same,  be  free  and  open  for  the  term  of  ten  years,  from 
the  date  of  the  signature  of  this  present  convention,  to  the  vessels,  citizens, 
and  subjects  of  the  two  powers:  it  being  well  understood  that  this  ogree- 
-ment  is  not  to  be  construed  to  the  prejudice  of  any  claim  which  either  of 
the  two  contracting  powers  may  have  to  any  part  of  the  said  country ;  the 
only  object  of  the  high  contracting  parties,  in  that  respect,  being  to  prevent 
disputes  and  differences  among  themselves." 


;ht  acquired' 
:k  upon  our 
we  have  re- 
gotiations  in 
ch  measures 
ffaith,  with- 

f  \ve  will  but 
re  have  been 
jn  deceived ; 

Experience 
otiation  with 
ust,  whether 
;ion  concern- 
i  miles  from 
je  portion  of 
the  State  ot 
id  ratified  in 
like  justice, 
id. 

itain  in  the 
^est  coast  of 

so  was  the 
an  this  sub- 
r  title,  which 
menced,  has 
complicated, 
er,  1818,  the 
)rogate,  is  in 

ed  by  either 
J  Mountains, 
gation  of  all 
I  years,  from 
;els,  citizens, 
t  this  agree- 
ich  either  of 
ountry;  the 
ig  to  prevent 


The  first  and  second  articles  of  (he  cottvention  between  this  Govern  rmnt 
and  Great  Britain,  entered  into  in  the  year  1827,  arc  as  follows: 

"  Art.  lat.  All  the  provisions  of  the  3d  article'of  the  convention  concluded 
between  the  United  States  of  America  and  his  Majesty  the  King  of  the 
United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  on  the  2dth  of  October,  1818» 
shall  be,  and  they  are  hereby,  continued  in  force  in  the  same  manner,  as  if 
all  the  provisions  of  the  caid  article  were  herein  specifically  recited. 

*'  Art.  2d.  It  shall  be  competent,  however,  to  either  of  the  contracting 
parlies,  in  case  eil^er  should  think  fit  at  any  time  after  the  20th  of  October, 
1828,  on  giving  due  no/tce  of  twelve  months  to  the  other  contracting  parly, 
to  annul  and  abrogate  this  convention  ;  and  it  shall,  in  such  case,  be  ac* 
cordingly  annulled  and  abrogated  after  the  expiration  of  the  said  terra  of 
notice." 

The  only  saving  and  beneficial  clause  in  either  treaty,  so  far  as  the  in- 
terest of  this  Government  was  concerned,  is  the  clause  authorizing  the  abro- 
gation of  the  treaty  by  giving  twelve  months'  notice.  We  should  avail  our- 
selves without  delay  of  the  benefits  of  that  clause.  We  can  only  do  so  by 
passing  this  resolution.  The  reasons  for  entering  into  the  treaty  of  1818, 
were  much  stronger  than  those  for  entering  into  the  treaty  of  1827.  At 
the  time  the  convention  of  1818  v/as  ratified,  our  title  was  not  perfected; 
but,  even  then,  it  was  indisputably  good  against  iingland,  although  there 
was  an  outstanding  title  in  Spain,  goodagainst  all  the  world.  We  claimed 
the  country,  and  based  our  title,  as  ngainst  England,  upon  our  right  acquired 
from  France  by  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  in  the  year  1803,  and  from  the 
disci^very  of  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  river  by  an  American  citizen, 
(Captain  Grey,  of  Boston,)  in  the  month  of  May,  1792^  He  sailed  up  the 
river  some  distance,  surveyed  the  coast  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  and  be- 
stowed the  name  of  his  vessel  upon  it,  which  it  has  borne  from  that  day 
until  this.  In  the  years  1805  and  1806  the  river  was  also  explored  by 
Lewis  and  Clark,  American  citizens  in  the  service  of  their  Government, 
from  its  sources  in  the  Stony  mountains  to  the  Pacific  ocean.  But  I  do 
not  propose  to  discuss  the  title,  further  than  to  mention  the  sources  from 
whence  we  derive  it.  By  a  treaty  with  Spain  in  the  year  1819,  we  acquired 
hor  title  to  all  the  country  on  the  northwest  coast  of  America,  north  of  the 
parallel  of  42  degrees  oi  north  latitude,  and  extending  as  far  north  as  61 
degrees  of  north  latitude.  Spain  acquired  her  title  bv  •»  series  of  discove- 
ries, commencing  in  the  year  1582,  a  short  time  after  the  conquest  of  Mexi- 
co, beginning  at  the  Gulf  of  California,  and  extending  her  discoveries  as  far 
north  as  61  degrees,  performing  every  act  necessary  to  be  done  by  the  law 
of  nations  to  give  her  a  good  title  to  the  countries  discovered  by  her.  This 
can  be  shown  conclusively  when  the  proper  time  arrives. 


8 


Xhc  treaty  of  1818,  without  any  consideration  whatever,  granted  to  Brit- 
ish subjects  a  joint  right  to  occupy  the  Oregon  Territory  with  our  citizens; 
but  this  occupancy  has  been  joint  only  in  terms,  but  several  in  fact.  The 
benefits  of  the  provisions  of  this  treaty  have  enured  solely  to  British  sub- 
jects ;  and,  from  the  very  nature  of  things,  could  not  be  otherwise.  In  the 
year  1810,  Mr.  Astor,  a  merchant  of  New  York,  establistied  at  the  mouth 
of  Uie  Columbia  river  a  depot  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  the  fur  trade; 
and  in  the  years  1811,  '12,  and  '13,  his  trading  establishments  were  ex- 
tended to  several  points  on  the  (  olumbia  river  and  its  tributaries,  and  a 
successful  trade  established.  In  the  mean  time,  war  having  been  declared 
between  the  Uiiited  States  and  Great  T  aun,  m  tlie  year  181H  Mr.  Astor's 
establishments  on  the  Columbia  river  and  its  tribntories  were  broken  up, 
and  surrendered  to  a  British  armed  force ;  and  then, /or  the  first  time,  the 
country  fell  into  the  possession  of  the  Britisli  Government,  and  American 
.citizens  were  expelled  from  the  country.  Between  the  year  1813  and  the 
year  1818,  the  Hudson  Bay  Company  took  possession  of  the  whole  cmin- 
!ry,  established  posts  for  the  purpose  of  trade  in  almost  every  part  of  it, 
and  consequently  obtained  an  influence  over  the  various  Indian  tribes  not 
to  be  shaken  ;  and,  by  means  of  their  grent  capital,  their  influence  with 
the  Indians,  and  the  additional  advantages  of  bringing  their  merchandise 
free  of  duty  into  the  country,  they  broke  down  all  competition.  Our  citi- 
zens, notwithstanding  thefr  perseverance  and  enterprise,  were  tmable  to 
compete  with  the  British  fur  companies,  and  were  compelled  to  aban- 
don the  country;  so  that  the  joint  occupancy  resulted  to  the  almost  ex- 
clusive benefit  of  British  subjects.  Indeed,  the  only  occupancy  on  the 
part  of  American  citizens,  until  within  a  few  years  past,  has  been  confined 
to  a  few  fur-trappers  and  missionaries.  With  all  these  facts  before  them, 
our  rulers  negotiated  the  treaty  of  1827.  British  subjects  have  had  the 
almost  exclusive  enjoyment  of  that  territory — and  that,  too,  by  virtue  of  ne- 
gotiation, not  of  right. 

Efforts  have  been  made  by  our  Government  to  settle  our  rights  to  the 
Oregon  Territory  with  England,  at  various  times.  The  territory  in  dis- 
pute between  the  two  Governments,  lies  between  the  parallels  of  42  and 
64°  40'  north  latitude,  extending  from  the  Rocky  mountains  on  the  east,  to 
the  Pacific  ocean  on  the  west.  Both  Governments  having  by  treaty  ceded 
to  Russia  all  their  claims  north  of  54°  40',  in  1823  Mr.  Adams  (then  Sec- 
retary of  State)  instructed  our  minister  to  o^er  to  the  British  G  /•^rnment 
the  parallel  of  latitud^51°  north,  as  our  northern  boundary  J!>  tl.u  Oregon 
Territory,  for  the  reason  that  it  included  the  entire  valley  c'  ihe  Columbia 
river.  This  proposition  was  rejected ;  then  the  parallel  of  49"  vvatt  oiTered ; 
and  this  proposition,  made  with  a  view  to  conciliate,  was  also  rt-]>icied  with 


cd  to  Brit* 
ir  citizens; 
act.  The 
rilish  sub- 
e.  In  the 
lio  mouth 

fur  trade; 

were  ex- 
ies,  und  a 
1  declared 
Ir.  Astor's 
roken  up, 
!  time,  liie 
American 
'i  and  the 
lole  coun- 
part  of  it, 

tribes  not 
cnce  with 
rchandise 

Our  citi- 
unable  to 
i  to  aban- 
ilmost  ex- 
cy  on  the 
1  confined 
fore  thena, 
;  had  the 
tue  of  ne- 

hts  to  the 
ry  in  dis- 
of  42  and 
tie  east,  to 
aty  ceded 
then  Sec- 
•^mment 
o  Oregon 
Ddutnbia 
li  .uTered; 
cittd  with 


contempt.  And  let  it  be  borne  in  muid  that  England  set  up  no  cxdusiva 
claim  to  the  ter  itory ;  she  only  insisted  that  tlie  country  icas  open  to  the 
whole  world;  whilst  the  United  States  claimed  the  exclusive  riglu  to  the 
country,  under  the  various  titles  heretofore  staled.  When  all  propositions 
made  by  our  Governmf'nt  were  thus  unceremoniously  rejected,  the  qucii.on 
wos  asked  of  the  Hriiish  Government,  Whut  portion  of  the  territory  will 
satisfy  you  ?  The  answer  was :  Although  we  set  up  no  exdusice  claim  to 
the  country,  we  are  willing  to  extend  the  40lh  parn. !'  "f  latitude  due  west, 
until  it  intersects  the  most  northeastern  branch  of  the  i  ulunibia  river,  and 
from  thence,  with  the  river,  to  its  mouth.  A  very  ..lodesl  nnd  reaxvnable 
proposition,  indeed,  to  come  from  a  party  who  it  up  no  exclusive  right  to 
the  conn'^-v  !  A  proposition  leaving  the  United  States  ^v•i^h  a  front  on  the 
Pacific  ocean  of  4°  18— and  that,  too,  without  a  hn\bor  on  the  whole  coast 
iliat  would  shelter  a  canoe!  reserving  to  herself  8°  22  of  latitude,  extend- 
ing along  the  coast  of  the  Pacific,  and  embracing  sojne  of  the  best  harbors 
on  the  western  coost  of  America,  the  complete  coirimaud  of  the  Uiouth  of 
the  Columbia  river,  and  which  would  give  them  an  island  almost  as  large 
as  Great  Britain  itself!  This  proposition  was  too  monstrous  to  be  enter- 
tained by  even  this  most  pacific  of  all  Governments;  though  F  have 
reason  to  believe  that  tiie  proposition  was  rejected  by  the  then  adminis- 
tration, as  is  p'ainly  intimated,  lest  the  people  should  not  approve,  and  the 
Senate  refuse  to  ratify  the  bargain. 

But,  sir,  England  preferred  the  joint  occupation  of  the  country— a  part- 
nership — rather  than  the  proposition  sijbmitted  by  herself;  for  she  knew 
that  this  joint  occupation  would  exist  nowhere  but  upon  the  parchment  on 
which  the  treaty  was  written — that  the  entire  use  and  control  of  the  coui)> 
try  would  be  hers  in  fact. 

Another  objection  urged  by  the  Senator  from  Virginia — for,  in  his  brief  re- 
marks the  other  day,  he  embraced  all  the  objections  urged  to  this  resolution — 
is,  that  courtesy  forbids  its  adoption,  or  any  other  action  on  the  part  of  this 
Government  at  ^/«5  time.  And  why?  The  British  Government, upon  our 
own  invitation,  he  says,  has  sent  a  special  minister  with  full  powers  to  settle 
ull  this  matter ;  he  comes  clothed  in  the  white  garments  of  peace,  bearing  the 
olive-branch  in  his  hands.  Sir,  I,  for  one,  fear  (and  I  believe  that  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States  fear)  a  Biitish  ^^ negotiators^  more  than  I  or  they 
fear  British  arms  or  Britisli  power.  We  have  been  met  with  this  argument, 
or  similar  ones,  for  the  last  quarter  of  a  century.  Whenever  we  propose  ac- 
tion upon  this  subject,  the  ready  answer  is,  that  we  are  -precipitate;  the 
matter,  i//(/(  alone,  will  be  settled  to  our  satisfaction  hy  negotiation — a 
negotiation  "  about  to  be  commeuced,"  or  « pending ;  or,  that  we  will 
Tiolate  some  treaty  stipulation  already  existing ;  or,  that  the  country  is  not . 


i 


worth  contending  for ;  or,  that  the  representative  form  of  government^is  not 
adapted  to  so  wide-spread  a  territory— we  are  already  too  wmieldly  for  our 
form  of  government !  Such  arguments  are  but  mere  pretences  to  avoid 
action.  Why  do  not  Senators  at  once  avow  iheir  unwillingness  again  to 
struggle  with  British  power;  that  we  will  yield  our  rights  to  the  territory— 
that  we  will  yield  our  interests,  our  honor,  rather  than  again  encounter  the 
claws  of  the  British  lion  ? 

1 1  will  tell  Senators  that  western  men  will  not  be  satisfied  nor  convinced 
with  such  arguments.  Sir,  I  have  witnessed  the  deep  anxiety,  the  intense 
feeling  exhibited  by  the  pioneers  of  the  Far  West— men  who  live  upon  the 
very  verge  of  civilization — when  the  contest  about  our  northeastern  boimd- 
ary  was  in  progress ;  when  men  were  looking  to  their  arms  as  the  most 
appropriate  means  of  settling  that  question.  On  post  days,  when  the  mail 
was  expected  to  bring  news  from  the  east,  the  hardy  and  chivalrous  sons  of 
the  Far  West  would  assemble  around  their  post  offices,  and  with  the  deepest 
anxiety  inquire  the  news  from  Maine.  A  deeper  anxiety  could  not  have 
been  felt,  or  expressed,  if  their  own  beloved  State  had  been  threatened  with 
dismemberment.  Maine  had  our  deepest  sympathy,  and  we  would  gladly 
have  rushed  to  assist  her  in  repelling  the  invader  from  her  soil. 

If  an  honorable  Senator  now  upon  this  floor  could  have  heard  the  com- 
mendations heaped  upon  him  by  the  hov  '  yeomanry  of  the  west,  for 
the  manly  position  he  had  taken  and  ocr  il  i  during  that  controversy,  and 
knew  the  deep  interest  they  take  in  the  Oregon  question,  he  would  not 
content  himself  with  barely  voting  for  this  resolution,  but  he  would  advo- 
cate it.  I  allude  to  the  late  Governor  of  the  State  of  Maine.  1  cannot 
describe  the  burst  of  indignation  —the  deep  feelings  of  mortification — which 
were  exhibited  when  it  was  understood  that  a  treaty  had  been  ratified,  and 
that  we  had  yielded  one  inch  of  the  territory  in  dispute.  "V^e  are — we 
should  be — tired  of  negotiation,  when  it  is  attended  with  nothing  but 
loss  and  disgrace. 

But  I  confess  that  I  do  not  see  in  what  manner  the  passage  of  this  resolu- 
tion can  affect  negotiations ;  1  see  no  want  of  courtesy  to  England,  or  to  the 
British  minister.  This  resolution  was  offered  in  the  Senate  long  before 
we  heard  of  a  special  minister;  and  shall  the  action  of  the  American  Sen- 
ate depend  upon  the  going  and  coming  of  British  ministers  ?  'i'he  treaty 
of  1827  expressly  provides  that,  when  either  party  becomes  dissatisfied 
with  the  bargain,  they  may  annul  and  abrogate  it  by  giving  twelve  months' 
previous  notice.  In  my  humble  opinion,  instead  of  retarding  or  prevent- 
ing negotiations,  it  will  hasten  them ;  it  will  be  one  evidence  that  the  United 
iJtates  is  in  earnest— that  we  are  resolved  to  assert  our  rights  to  the  Oregon 
Territory.    I  have  my  doubts  whether  there  is  the  least  desire  on  the  part 


11 


iment^is  not 
IdUy  for  our 
ces  to  avoid 
ess  again  to 
territory — 
counter  the 

f  convinced 
the  intense 
re  upon  the 
tern  bound- 
s  the  most 
en  the  mail 
rous  sons  of 
the  deepest 
d  not  have 
uened  with 
}u)d  gladly 

d  the  com- 
le  west,  for 
oversy,  and 
would  not 
ould  advo- 
I  cannot 
on — which 
atified,  and 
fe  are — we 
othing  but 

Ibis  resolu- 
d,  or  to  the 
ong  before 
irican  Sen- 
'i'he  treaty 
dissatisfied 
ve  months' 
or  prevent- 
the  United 
the  Oregon 
3n  the  part 


of  England  (o  treat  at  all  upon  the  subject :  let  her  alone  for  a  faw  years, 
and  tlie  country  will  be  hers — and  that,  without  negotiation  ;  she  will  then 
be  in  a  condition  to  hold  it.  Trapping  and  trading  for  furs  has,  in  a  great 
degree,  ceased  to  be  profitable  in  those  regions;  agriculture  and  commerce 
is  the  business  to  which  British  subjects  are  now  turning  their  attention. 
Let  either  England  or  the  United  States  settle  the  Oregon  Territory  with  a 
population  of  ten  or  fifteen  thousand  arms  bearing  men,  and  it  will  be  a  most 
difficult  matter  to  dispossess  them.  This  England  is  doing;  this  we  can  do — 
and  that  in  a  very  short  time — by  adopting  the  proper  measures,  and  such 
measures  as  England  cannot  complain  o( ;  such  measures  as  she  herself 
has  adopted ;  and  measures,  too,  that  will  not  trench  very  deeply  upon  the 
treasury.  Give  us  the  countenance  of  our  Government — give  us  your 
protection — give  us  government  and  laws,  and  we  will  soon  fill  up  the 
country;  we  will  take  possession  of  it,  and  will  keep  that  possession :  do 
but  assure  us  that  we  will  not  be  traded  off — that  we  arc  not  to  become 
British  subjects — that  we  are  to  remain  members  of  this  still  glorious  re- 
public,  we  will  take  possession,  and  w^  will  keep  that  possession  in  defiance 
of  British  power.  The  groat  ma;3s  of  the  American  people  are  still  uncor- 
rupted  :  trade,  commerce,  speculation,  and  the  love  of  dollars  and  cents,  have 
not  as  yet  become  the  all  absorbing  passion  :  such  sentiments  as  national 
honor,  national  glory,  and  patriotism,  still  reign  paramount  in  their  bosoms. 
You  may  tell  them  that  the  Oregon  Territory  is  a  desert  waste ;  yon  may 
tell  them  that  the  only  road  to  that  country  is  through  vast  plains  of  burn- 
ing sands;  of  the  broad  and  deep  rivers  in  their  way;  of  the  snow-capped 
mountains  that  must  be  scaled  ;  you  may  array  before  them  the  countless 
bands  of  fierce  and  savage  warriors  to  be  ent  antered  : — all  this  will  only 
hasten  their  preparations;  men,  women,  and  children,  all  partake  of  the 
common  feoling — all  are  governed  by  the  same  noble  impulses.  The  deep 
and  broad  river,  the  trackless  wilderness,  the  snow-capped  mountain,  the 
war-whoop,  the  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife,  danger  and  peril,  only  nerve 
them  to  the  enterprise.  This  spirit  of  adventure  and  enterprise  alone  has 
settled  this  vast  wilderness  of  the  west  with  her  now  teeming  millions;  and 
this  will  settle  all  that  immense  territory  of  ours  to  the  Pacific  ocean — 
and  that,  too,  before  this  generation  passes  away.  "  Let  Congress  only  take 
some  step  toyvards  the  occupation  of  Oregon,"  writes  an  intelligent  farmer 
oi  the  Far  West,  '(and  the  prairies  of  the  west  will  present  thescene  of  thecru- 
sade  of  Peter  the  Hermit;  our  wagons  and  people  will  be  strung  along  the 
road  in  one  unbroken  column,  from  the  frontiers  of  Missouri  to  the  Rocky 
mountains,  like  the  Goths  and  Huns  of  old ;  a  nntion  will  emigrate,  not  for 
the  purpose  of  destroying,  but  of  building  up  empires." 


12 

Mr.  President,  I  will  vole  for  (his  resolulion,  because  it  will  leave  us  free 
tonct  untrammelled  by  treaties;  but,  at  tlie  same  lime,  1  am  of  the  opinion  that 
we  can  establish  military  posts  in  the  Oregon  Territory,  and  march  an 
army  there,  without  violating  any  treaty.  This  right,  ifl  mistake  not,  has 
been  admitted  by  England,  but  accompanied  with  the  threat,  that  if  the 
United  States  sent  soldiers  there,  England  would  do  the  same.  We  can 
grant  land  to  our  citizens,  without  disturbing  the  joint  occupancy  authorized 
alone  for  the  purpose  of  trade;  we  can  organize  a  govenunent  for  civil  pur- 
poses, without  disturbing  the  rights  of  British  subjects  under  the  treaty.  Sir, 
this  England  has  done;  she  has  extended  her  laws,  not  only  over  the  Oregon 
Territory,  but  over  the  whole  territory  east  of  the  Rocky  mountains,  to  the 
frontiers  of  Iowa,  Missouri,  and  Arkansas.  This  act  of  the  British  Parli- 
ment  was  passed  in  the  year  1821.  The  6th  section  of  the  act  reads  as  fol- 
lows :  "  And  be  it  further  enacted^  'I'hat  from  and  after  the  passing  of  this 
act,  the  courts  of  judicature  now  existing,  or  which  may  be  here  ifter  estab- 
lished in  the  province  of  Upper  Canada,  shall  have  the  same  civil  jurisdic- 
tion, power,  and  authority,  as  well  in  the  cognizance  of  suits,  as  in  the  is- 
suing process,  mesne  and  final,  and  in  all  other  respects  whatsoever,  within 
the  said  Indian  te'-itories,  and  other  parts  of  America,  not  within  the 
limits  of  either  of  the  provincesof  Lower  or  Upper  Canadi  or  of  any  civil 
Government  of  the  United  States,  as  the  said  courts  have,  r  are  invested 
with,  within  the  limits  of  the  said  provincesof  Lower  and  'V  -"er  Canada, 
respectively,"  6cc. 

The  same  section  provides  that  actions  relating  to  lands,  not  within  Up- 
per Canada,  shall  be  decided  according  to  the  laws  of  England.  The  8th 
section  of  the  same  act  provides  that  persons  residing  in  the  Indian  terri- 
tories, who  shall  refuse  to  obey  process,  shall  be  committed  and  conveyed 
4o  Upper  Canada,  Sec.  The  10th  section  authorizes  his  Majesty  to  appoint 
justices  of  the  peace  for  said  territories.  The  11th  section  authorizes  his 
Majesty  to  issue  commissions,  under  the  great  seal,  empowering  justices  to 
hold  courts  of  record  for  the  trial  of  criminal  and  civil  offences.  Section 
12  defines  the  jurisdiction  of  the  courts  established  in  the  preceding  sec- 
tions ;  their  civil  jurisdiction  is  limited  to  £200;  and  where  the  offence  com- 
mitted shall  subject  the  offender  to  capital  punishment  or  transportation} 
then  the  territorial  judges  are  required  to  send  the  offender  to  Upper  Canada 
for  trial.  1  will  ask  Senators  whether  England  has  not  violated  the  treaty 
by  that  act.  Oh,  no,  sir ;  but  if  this  Congress  should  propose  any  measure 
of  like  character,  we  should  hear  the  cry  raised  in  this  chamber  that  we  were 
about  to  violate  a  solemn  treaty— the  alarm  would  be  sounded — war  would 
be  the  inevitable  consequence — our  seaboard  would  be  endangered — we 
should  be  about  "  to  run  a  muck  at  England.' 


13 


ve  us  free 
iiniori  that 
mnrch  an 
e  not,  has 
hnt  if  the 
We  can 
luthorized 
civil  pur- 
enty.  Sir, 
le  Oregon 
ins,  to  t!ie 
ush  Parli- 
nds  as  fol- 
ng  of  this 
ftcr  estab- 

jurisdic- 
in  the  is- 
3r,  within 
Mthin  the 
any  civil 
5  invested 

Canada} 

ithin  Up- 

The  8th 

ian  terri- 

conveyed 

o  appoint 

)rizes  his 

ustices  to 

Section 

ding  sec- 

snce  com- 

wrtatiotii 

Canada 

he  treaty 

measure 

we  were 

ar  would 

sred — we 


England  has  expended  her  laws  over  a  country  to  which  she  did  not 
pretend  to  have  jurisdiction ;  and  those  laws,  in  tlieir  operation,  are  not 
confined  to  her  own  subjects ;  but  an  American  citizen  may,  felon-like,  be 
dragged  in  chains  to  Upper  Canada  upon  a  charge  of  having  committed 
an  offence  against  British  laws  upon  American  soil !  And  will  our  Gov- 
ernment longer  permit  such  things  to  exist?  The  honor  of  our  country 
forbids  it. 

But  it  is  said  that  our  rights  to  the  Oregon  Territory  will  soon  be  settled 
by  negotiation.  What  assurance  have  we  for  that,  when  the  President 
himself  seems  to  be  in  a  state  of  uncertainty  in  regard  to  this  matter  "^ 
la  his  message  to  Congress,  in  1842,  we  are  informed  that  this  subject 
was  about  to  be  negotiated ;  at  the  same  session,  this  was  assigned  as  a 
reason  for  not  answering  a  respectful  call  made  upon  him  for  information, 
by  the  Senate,  in  relation  to  this  very  matter.  The  President,  in  his  mes- 
sage to  this  Congress,  informs  us  that  negotiations  are  about  to  comment^c 
at  London ;  and  now  we  are  informed  by  tlie  Chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Foreign  Relations,  that  the  British  Government  has  appointed  a  special 
minister,  or  a  minister  with  full  powets,  to  settle  this  dispute ;  and  that 
the  subject  will  be  entered  upon  in  a  very  short  time  at  Washington.  In 
the  early  part  of  this  session,  a  resolution  was  introduced  by  an  honorable 
Senator  from  Ohio,  asking  the  President  for  information  upon  this  subject; 
but  this  resolution  was  voted  down,  and  now  we  are  left  to  grope  our  way 
in  the  dark.  I  can  s^e  no  good  reason  why  this  negotiation  should  be 
carried  on  in  the  dark — should  be  concealed  from  the  Senate.  1  hope  that 
our  Government  will  ask  nothing  but  what  is  right  and  just,  and  that  no 
propositions  will  be  entertained  but  such  as  are  based  upon  just  and  honest 
principles. 

But,  sir,  this  phantom  of  war  seems  to  haunt  the  imaginations  of  Sena- 
alors  opposed  to  this  resolution.  The  goddess  Bellona — the  horrid  goddess — 
clothed  in  her  most  awful  garb,  seems  constantly  to  flit  before  their  eyes; 
this  distressing  idea  seems  to  have  taken  as  complete  possession  of  the 
imaginations  of  some  Senators,  as  chivalry  has  that  of  others. 
,  If,  in  the  prosecution  of  our  just  designs,  upon  our  own  soil,  in  our  own 
country,  we  should  be  so  unfortunate  as  to  incur  the  wrath  of  England,  and 
war  should  follow,  let  it  come— -ay,  sir,  let  it  come,  in  all  its  most  destruc- 
tive forms.  It  may  so  happen  that,  whilst  England  is  warring  for  a  remote 
corner  of  the  globe,  to  which  she  has  not  the  shadow  of  a  claim,  she  may 
lose  what  she  has  upon  this  continent. 

Instead  '""  indulging  myself  in  drawing  pictures  of  our  cities  stormed, 
sacked,  anu  burnt,  and  the  scabcurd  ravaged,  and  my  ears  stunned  with 
the  thunder  of  British  cannon  and  the  clash  of  British  bayonets,  I  indulge- 


14 


in  other  and  brighter  visions.  We  will  drive  the  Enghsh  from  this  conti- 
nent, and  from  the  islands  appertaining  to  it.  I  see  American  arms  tri- 
umphant in  every  battle,  both  by  land  and  sea.  I  further  imagine  that  Eng- 
land has  filled  the  measure  of  her  iniquity;  and,  like  all  other  nations  which 
have  gone  before  her,  grasping  at  universal  dominion,  in  the  midst  of  her 
pride  and  her  power  she  nmst  speedily  fall. 

Sir,  I  would  war  with  England,  in  the  defence  of  our  just  rights,  until 
she  was  shorn  of  all  her  power  on  this  continent ;  and  then  we  would  have 
vindicated  the  great  principle  laid  down  by  Mr.  Monroe,  in  his  seventh  an- 
nual message — that  the  "American  continents  were  no  longer  open  to  Euro- 
pean colonization."  The  very  power  of  England  is  a  reason,  with  us,  to 
submit  to  no  wrong  from  her.  Suppose  we  substitute  a  sister  republic 
(Mexico)  for  England,  as  to  her  right  to  the  Oregon  Territory:  what  would 
then  be  the  state  of  affairs  ?  The  President,  perhaps,  would  have  recom- 
mended to  Congress  to  provide  the  means,  and  give  him  the  authority  to 
take  immediate  possession  of  the  country ;  and  we  should  then,  perhaps, 
find  eastern  Senators  as  full  of  chivalry,  and  as  warlike,  as  western  Sena- 
tors. I  would  submit  to  wrong  and  injury  from  no  nation  of  the  earth,  but 
least  of  all  from  England.  I  will,  upon  this  floor — in  this  hall — candidly 
avow,  that  if,  in  the  course  of  events,  we  must  have  war,  let  it  be  with 
England,  our  ancient  and  inveterate  enemy.  I  think  we  could  strike  a 
harder  blow,  and  with  more  hearty  good-will.  We  could  encourage  each 
other  with  the  recital  of  the  many  wrongs  and  injuries  which  we  have  re- 
ceived at  her  hands,  in  peace  and  in  war,  in  youth  and  in  manhood.  Yes> 
sir  ;  if  we  are  to  have  war,  let  it  be  with  England  ;  she  is  a  foe  worthy  of 
our  arms. 

Whether  this  Government  will  assist  and  encourage  her  citizens,  or  not, 
in  the  settlement  of  this  territory,  they  will  do  it — your  power  cannot 
check  it.  You  might  as  well  attempt  to  turn  the  waters  of  the  Missouri 
river  back  upon  its  sources  in  the  Rocky  mountains,  as  to  turn  back  the 
flood  of  population  from  the  shores  of  the  Pacific  ocean  ;  the  Alleghanies 
may  be  piled  upon  the  Rocky  mountains,  and  our  people  will  scale  them. 
The  march  of  empire  is  westward ;  nothing  will,  nothing  can  check  it ! 

Unless  this  Government  shall  take  some  decisive  step  very  soon,  a  con- 
test between  American  citizens  and  British  subjects  will  be  inevitable.  The 
germs  of  a  collision  already  exist,  and  it  requires  but  a  little  more  to  bring 
about  the  conflict.  The  first  scalp  that  shall  be  taken,  the  first  drop  of  blood 
that  is  shed,  will  bring  about  that  very  war  which  is  so  much  dreaded. 


[1  this  conti* 
n  arms  tri- 
9  that  Eng- 
tions  which 
lidst  of  her 

-ights,  until 
nrould  have 
seventh  an- 
en  to  Euro- 
with  us,  to 
er  republic 
vhat  would 
ave  recom- 
mthority  to 
jn,  perhaps, 
stern  Sena- 
e  earth,  but 
I — candidly 
it  be  with 
jid  strike  a 
urcge  each 
ve  have  re- 
lood.  Yes> 
e  worthy  of 

sens,  or  not, 
wer  cannot 
le  Missouri 
n  back  the 
A-Ileghanies 
scale  them, 
heck  it ! 
icon,  a  con- 
itable.  The 
)re  to  bring 
op  of  blood 
readed. 


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